Costa et al. Our data are also inconsistent with the inhibitory control explanation of the bilingual advantage, given that we observed virtually identical trends across monolinguals and bilinguals in both the congruent and incongruent Simon test conditions a finding robustly supported in a large scale review by Hilchey and Klein, The model proposed by Costa et al.
The authors further develop their theoretical framework by claiming that this monitoring advantage might incorporate an ongoing evaluation of the likely requirement for active attentional control e.
That is, the real time processing advantage associated with bilingualism may occur before conflict resolution mechanisms are triggered.
The present findings are, in part, consistent with the kind of bilingual monitoring advantage described by Costa et al. On the Simon task, only those with demonstrably low status benefitted from being bilingual, and the fact that, while the disparity in response times between low and high SES was smaller in bilinguals than monolinguals, high SES participants still responded numerically faster.
It follows that SES appears to be a more important predictor of cognitive performance as gauged by this task than whether or not a person is bilingual. Nevertheless, implications for society of a significant beneficial cognitive impact in low socioeconomic populations are considerable, and we therefore recommend further studies employing a broader range of tasks and larger numbers of trials to examine the replicability of this finding and to further characterize the relationship.
The advantages observed on the Simon task did not transfer to TOL test performance: bilinguals were consistently slower in planning the moves required to match the target disk configuration and in executing those moves, and this was the case irrespective of SES. Compounding this evidence against any bilingual advantage in complex goal-relevant planning was the observation of disproportionately poor accuracy performance in low SES bilinguals. These findings are, in part, consistent with a study of simple and complex Simon task performance which indicated that bilingualism conferred advantages in selective attention specifically in the context of low working memory demand Salvatierra and Rosselli, Other studies have reported equivalent monolingual and bilingual performance on the TOL test e.
We suggest that the most likely reason for this disparity is that our study is also the first to explicitly recruit participants from the lowest level of SES like the Cox et al. Nevertheless, it is also possible that other experience-related factors operating in this group half of whom were asylum seekers underpinned the patterns of performance reported here, and more formal assessment of language fluency within and across comparison groups is encouraged. We also note recent evidence that, in young economically disadvantaged bilingual children with low proficiency in both languages, a stronger performance advantage over monolinguals was observed in tasks incorporating higher relative to lower cognitive control demands Engel de Abreu et al.
We have recently reported evidence for a bilingual disadvantage in metacognitive processing Folke et al. We found that bilinguals were comparatively less confident on correctly completed trials and more confident on trials completed incorrectly. While purely speculative, one possible explanation for the patterns of TOL accuracy performance in the present study is that the cumulative effect of low SES and bilingualism might underpin comparatively low confidence in ongoing ability on this test, which, in turn, impacts on actual performance.
In other words, if accurate monitoring of ongoing performance is not possible i. This level of complexity, we would argue, renders performance on this test considerably more likely to be sensitive to the effects of poor metacognitive processing than is the case for the Simon test, which is operationally straightforward i.
In summary, our findings are inconsistent with the claim that the process of acquiring a second language confers broad advantages in executive function. Instead, any cognitive advantage appears to relate to basic processing efficiency and is both contingent upon — and of secondary importance to — SES. Furthermore, this advantage may be offset by disadvantages in more complex tasks with stronger strategic and forward planning demands.
We encourage further efforts toward isolating specific cognitive mechanisms that may be modulated positively or negatively through the process of multilanguage acquisition, and to carefully consider the moderating influence of situational, demographic and other factors. KN collected the data and provided an early draft for this work, under the supervision of RF.
RF and PB contributed equally to subsequent theoretical development, data analysis, and write-up for this paper. PB wrote the original submission and post-review revisions. EP-T and AP contributed to additional data collection and the manuscript editing. All authors read and approved the manuscript. The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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The inhibitory advantage in bilingual children revisited: myth or reality? The assumption that individual choices and internal control are enough to overcome the impact of poverty further adds to the difficulty impoverished people have in overcoming economic hardships. Educational, economic, and health care inequity within lower SES groups have each been shown to correlate with poor health must be addressed in order to create meaningful change in the health of Americans Braveman, et al, Given the ranking of the United States across global indicators, we might do well to address poor health of Americans as a social problem and not a personal problem.
Previous: Sleep Hygiene. Next: Race and Ethnicity. On average, a student who attends a school in which the average socioeconomic status is high enjoys better educational outcomes compared to a student attending a school with a lower average peer socioeconomic level. Using data from PISA, the OECD have concluded that 'while many disadvantaged students succeed at school … socioeconomic status is associated with significant differences in performance in most countries and economies that participate in PISA.
Advantaged students tend to outscore their disadvantaged peers by large margins' p. In Australia, students from the highest quartile of socioeconomic background perform, on average, at a level about 3 years higher than their counterparts from the lowest quartile. What the continued gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students highlights is that despite all the research, it is still unclear how socioeconomic background influences student attainment.
There are those that argue that the relationships between socioeconomic background and educational achievement are only moderate and the effects of SES are quite small when taking into account cognitive ability or prior achievement. Much of the body of research, particularly that generated from large-scale international studies, would seem to contradict this reasoning.
Others have argued that students from low socioeconomic level homes are at a disadvantage in schools because they lack an academic home environment, which influences their academic success at school. In particular, books in the home has been found over many years in many of the large-scale international studies, to be one of the most influential factors in student achievement. As they are likely to have higher levels of education, they are also more likely to provide a more stimulating home environment to promote cognitive development.
Parents from higher socioeconomic backgrounds may also provide higher levels of psychological support for their children through environments that encourage the development of skills necessary for success at school. The issue of how school-level socioeconomic background effects achievement is also of interest.
Clearly one way is in lower levels of physical and educational resourcing, but other less obvious ways include lower expectations of teachers and parents, and lower levels of student self-efficacy, enjoyment and other non-cognitive outcomes.
If the role of education is not simply to reproduce inequalities in society then we need to understand what the role of socioeconomic background more clearly. While much research has been undertaken in the past 50 years, and we are fairly certain that socioeconomic background does have an effect on educational achievement, we are no closer to understanding how this effect is transmitted.
Until we are, it will remain difficult to address. In this edition of Science of Learning, two further contributions to this body of knowledge have been added—and perhaps indicate new paths that need to be followed to develop this understanding.
Coleman, J. Smith-Woolley, E. Differences in exam performance between pupils attending selective and non-selective schools mirror the genetic differences between them. DNA methylation signatures of educational attainment. Sirin, S. Socioeconomic status and academic achievement: a meta-analytic review of research.
Article Google Scholar. Hauser, R. Measuring socioeconomic status in studies of child development. Bogges, S. In contrast, our results showed that income was most strongly associated to all health outcomes, except compared with the SES-index. Torssander and Erikson [ 33 ] found similar results as Geyer and colleagues in relation to mortality risk in the Swedish population aged 35— Each indicator of SES was clearly associated with risk of death for both women and men.
On the other hand, the authors argue that if each indicator has an independent function, using them to map a latent construct would result in a loss of information [ 33 ]. This idea, that using one of these indicators interchangeably to indicate a latent concept of SES may result in a loss of information relevant for social stratification and health and policy implications, have been supported by others [ 6 , 53 ].
Few studies have explored this issue in relation to health in old age, but Avlund et al. Our results show that income was the only indicator independently associated to late-life health, and that the indicators are otherwise statistically interchangeable. The indicators had approximately the same association to the outcomes, and their contribution to the model fits were comparable. In line with previous studies [ 14 , 15 , 16 ], we also found that the most direct measure of economic differences in this case, income was most strongly and robustly associated with adverse health in old age.
A novel contribution of our study was the introduction of occupational complexity as an alternative indicator of SES in studies of health inequalities in old age. However, our results did not suggest that occupational complexity was a stronger determinant of late-life health than education, social class, income or a composite measure of SES the SES-index. Further research is needed to confirm the robustness of these findings and to explore the causal mechanisms underlying the associations between different aspects of socioeconomic status and late-life health.
This study investigated the most commonly used indicators of SES in health research in relation to three health outcomes in old age. We also included a less traditional measure strongly associated with SES occupational complexity , and a composite measure based on several indicators of SES the SES-index. The study contributes to the literature by doing an in depth investigation of how the SES indicators relate to each other, and to late-life health, and by testing the predictive value of two novel measures of SES.
In sum, our results suggests that income explain more variance in late-life health than any of the other SES indicators, with a predictive capacity that is equal, or even better, than that of a composite measure including a range of indicators.
In sum, our results suggests that if the primary objective of including an indicator of SES, in studies of health in old age, is to merely adjust the model for socioeconomic differences income may be the preferred choice. If, on the other hand, the primary objective of the study is to examine health inequalities or the mechanisms that drive health inequalities in old age per se, then the choice of indicator should be made on the basis of a theoretical model that considers the unique properties of the different indicators.
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